Promoting India Latin America Collaboration

An Andean arc of crisis?

Ambassador Heine is Chile’s former ambassador to India.
Jamaica Gleaner News – Sunday | October 12, 2008

On September 28, Ecuador approved, by a comfortable majority, a new Constitution. Over the past decade five new constitutions have seen the light in the Andean region – the broad arc that goes from Venezuela to Colombia and Ecuador all the way down the Pacific coast to Peru, and then into Bolivia. This is a big victory for President Rafael Correa, a United States-trained economist, who made the proposal of a new Constitution a key item of his election plank.

President Evo Morales of Bolivia is facing opposition to his own new Constitution in the low-land, Eastern provinces like Santa Cruz, and President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela suffered a defeat in the referendum on reforms to his own Constitution in December 2007.

Why is this happening in the Andes, rather than, say, in the Southern Cone or Central America? Quite apart from a long tradition of weak ‘stateness’, over the past three decades these countries have had difficulties in adapting to a changing global environment, unable to find a suitable niche for their exports – except for their most prized one, illegal drugs.

Poorest and hardest hit

Bolivia and Ecuador are the poorest and hardest hit, despite their valiant efforts at economic reform and to apply the ‘Washington Consensus’ to the letter and beyond. Ecuador went so far as to adopt in 2000 the US dollar as its national currency, with the predictable inflationary effect.

Bolivia and Ecuador have also been highly unstable – since 1995 Ecuador has had eight presidents, and Bolivia nine. The notion that a key problem in these countries is excessive concentration of power in the executive branch, or that the new constitutions would somehow exacerbate such an existing problem, is oxymoronic. These are countries in which the very fact of a president finishing his or her term in office is a major achievement.

As Samuel P. Huntington put it 40 years ago in his classic Political Order in Changing Societies, “There is a failure to recognise that most such countries are suffering from the absence of power in their political systems. The problem is not to seize power but to make power, to mobilise groups into politics and to organism their participation in politics.”

And this is precisely what presidents like Rafael Correa and Evo Morales are doing.

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South American Leaders Hail Closer Ties

efluxmedia

South American leaders gathering at the United Nations this week have been touting their own new political union, which was hailed as a coming of age for the continent.

The regional leaders gathered for a closed-door meeting Wednesday of the Union of South American Nations, a collection of 12 countries.

Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, who hosted the body’s first emergency meeting last week, hailed the union as a signal that South America could finally manage its own problems.

Last week’s Santiago summit, which dealt with a political crisis in Bolivia, “tells us that the values of democracy, dialogue, human rights and peace are becoming stronger than ever in Latin America,” Bachelet said.

“It tells us that the region wants to leave behind the dark moments of its history,” she said in a speech before the UN General Assembly.

South American leaders offered strong backing to embattled Bolivian President Evo Morales at the Santiago meeting, warning the country’s opposition to refrain from staging a coup and splitting the country. The unrest in resource-rich eastern Bolivia has centred on the region’s demands for greater income from natural gas deposits and provincial autonomy.

Morales welcomed the support in his own speech before the assembly Tuesday and launched into a tirade against the United States, whom he accused of fomenting the unrest in Bolivia that has left at least 25 people dead. Bolivia earlier this month expelled the US ambassador from La Paz.

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva echoed Bachelet’s remarks in his own address Tuesday. He noted that while advanced economies were battling a financial crisis, developing countries in the Southern Hemisphere were gaining strength and political power.

The South American union gave the region a capacity to find solutions to its own problems without looking to the continent’s northern neighbour, Lula said.

The bloc, launched in May, consists of Argentina,
Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru,
Suriname, Uruguay and Venezuela.

Yet the region is still pushing trade ties with the world’s
largest economy. US President George W Bush on Wednesday met with 11
Latin American leaders at the Council of Americas in New York,
launching a new forum to boost trade between the two continents.

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Groucho Marx on Politics

Groucho proclaimed he would not want to be a m...

Image via Wikipedia

“Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly and applying the wrong remedies.”

“La política es el arte de buscar problemas, encontrando en todas partes, diagnosticando incorrectamente y aplicando los remedios equivocados.” – Groucho Marx

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“Bishop of the poor” is Paraguay’s new president

The Observers

As for Paraguay’s new president, he advocates a “theological liberation of the Left”. He’s worked in the country’s poorest parishes and enjoys the reputation of being an honest man, a particularly important asset in a country where politics have become synonymous with corruption. Fernando Lugo said he would not marry during his five-year mandate, despite the Pope having lifted his vow of chastity. His sister will therefore act as the country’s first lady. The new president has also sought the advice of recognised experts, including the US Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz.

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Boss Nova:Harvard Law’s Roberto Unger takes on the future of Brazil

ChronicleReview.com

Think of Roberto Mangabeira Unger as Brazil’s answer to John Stuart Mill — a century and a half later and considerably nattier — with a pronounced Nietzschean bent that drives him to certain acts of excess.

Unger is not the first philosopher to snare, so to speak, a state office of his own, or a fancy car and driver. Plato advised Dionysius the Younger of Syracuse. Hume served as an undersecretary of state. Leibniz did a stint as an imperial privy councilor in Vienna. Nobody says philosophers can’t get their hands dirty in politics.

In the category of political appointments, Unger may rate the “political miracle” award. Three years ago, he criticized the first term of Lula’s administration as the “most corrupt in our national history.” Now he meets regularly with Lula. Is he a miracle worker himself?

His political involvement in Brazil dates to the late 1970s, when military dictatorship gave way to a “political opening.” Unger offered his services to the united opposition party. In 1978 he became that party’s chief of staff, took a leave from Harvard, and spent his first stint in Brasília, six months of intense work on a new party that would unite progressive liberals and the independent left.

At various times in his writings, he’s urged a government department of destabilization to shake up “every aspect” of social life, a push toward universal freedom of movement for the world’s people, “immunity rights” that protect people against undemocratic coercion, and a rotating capital fund from which society’s stakeholders can draw, linked to government power to break up excessive accumulation of wealth.

One clear idea he’s confronted in the previous generation’s vision of Brazil’s future is what he calls “tropical Sweden.” It holds that Brazil should adapt the institutional model of the North Atlantic countries and “humanize it through compensatory redistribution.” So, Unger complains, “the humanization of the inevitable” became the “leitmotif” of Brazilian politics.

At a ceremony at Lula’s Palácio do Planalto, the president designated Unger as chief minister among Brazil’s more than 20 to coordinate the government’s future Amazon policy. “It was a great day for me,” Unger agrees. Six days later, Brazil’s minister of the environment, feeling slighted, resigned.

Asked for an analysis of his effectiveness so far, Unger says everything has gone far better than expected. He recently signed a collaborative agreement with Russia. He’s pushing Brazil’s business and labor communities to do better by the country’s many “excluded” workers. He travels regularly to the Amazon as the government’s top strategist.

“I have the only position in the government that is about everything, except for the position of the president,” Unger exults. “He has all power, and I have none. But I have one advantage over him. I don’t have to manage daily crises. I’m therefore free — as he is not — to deal with the future and to deal with our direction. It’s been fantastic.”

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Political experiences in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia

Mexican president Felipe Calderón (left) and B...Image via Wikipedia

Canadian Dimension Blog

In Latin America, if we exclude Cuba, we can point to three general categories of governments. First, the governments of the right, the allies of Washington, that play an active role in the region and occupy a strategic position: these are the governments of Álvaro Uribe in Colombia, Alan García in Peru and Felipe Calderón in México.

Second, we find supposed “left” governments that implement a neoliberal policy and support the national or regional bourgeoisies in their projects: Brazil, Uruguay, Chile, Nicaragua and the government of Cristina Fernandez Kirchner, from Argentina’s Peronists. They are governments that implement a neoliberal policy that favour grand capital, covered up with some social assistance measures. In effect, they make it a bit easier to swallow the neoliberal pill by applying social programs. For example, in Brazil poor families receive a bit of help from the government, which assures them popular support in the poorest region of the country.

Some of these governments are attempting to improve their relations with Washington, especially with the establishment of free trade agreements with the United States. Chile signed one and Lula, in Brazil, is also seeking an agreement with Washington around a series of political issues. But at the same time great differences of opinion persist between the government of Lula and the United States. These differences include defence of the interests of the Brazilian bourgeoisie in agriculture and a series of industrial sectors, especially those that export, who do not accept the protectionism of the United States.

In the third category of countries we find Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, which are confronted by the active opposition of important sectors of the local capitalist class and Washington. Cuba is, by itself, a fourth category.

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Leopard of growth strains at state leash

via FT.com
Some argue that Brazil’s love affair with the state is an inheritance of the Portuguese colonial system. Others such as Amaury de Souza, a political analyst in Rio de Janeiro, say the dilemma is more recent, harking back to the social and political model put in place by Getúlio Vargas in the 1930s and modelled in large part of fascist Italy. “Lula is the last of a line trying to save the Vargas model: keep the people inside the system happy and bring those who are outside in. It is an impossible compromise,” he says.

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