Charter Cities: The Politically Incorrect Guide to Ending Poverty

This is ‘governance outsourcing’ - benchmarking it to global best practices, and giving opportunity to thousands of citizens, and later millions, to improve their lives quickly – instead of leading miserable lives under local political leaders who are criminal and/or incompetent and local institutions that are dysfunctional. An experiment, if succceful, others will want to copy. In India, getting land for SEZs has been a nightmare in many states – but then again taking away prime agricultural land in a non-transparent way from farmers, instead of marginal land, to build industry is a dumb idea.

Politicians and NGOs that make their living from the handout/aid model being perpetuated won’t approve. Fish don’t vote for sushi bars.

Magazine – The Atlantic

In the 1990s, Paul Romer revolutionized economics. Now he’s trying to help the poorest countries grow rich—by convincing them to establish foreign-run “charter cities” within their borders. Romer’s idea is unconventional, even neo-colonial—the best analogy is Britain’s historic lease of Hong Kong.

When Romer explains charter cities, he likes to invoke Hong Kong. For much of the 20th century, Hong Kong’s economy left mainland China’s in the dust, proving that enlightened rules can make a world of difference. By an accident of history, Hong Kong essentially had its own charter—a set of laws and institutions imposed by its British colonial overseers—and the charter served as a magnet for go-getters. At a time when much of East Asia was ruled by nationalist or Communist strongmen, Hong Kong’s colonial authorities put in place low taxes, minimal regulation, and legal protections for property rights and contracts; between 1913 and 1980, the city’s inflation-adjusted output per person jumped more than eightfold, making the average Hong Kong resident 10 times as rich as the average mainland Chinese, and about four-fifths as rich as the average Briton.

Then, beginning around 1980, Hong Kong’s example inspired the mainland’s rulers to create copycat enclaves. Starting in Shenzhen City, adjacent to Hong Kong, and then curling west and north around the Pacific shore, China created a series of special economic zones that followed Hong Kong’s model. Pretty soon, one of history’s greatest export booms was under way, and between 1987 and 1998, an estimated 100 million Chinese rose above the $1-a-day income that defines abject poverty. The success of the special economic zones eventually drove China’s rulers to embrace the export-driven, pro-business model for the whole country. “In a sense, Britain inadvertently, through its actions in Hong Kong, did more to reduce world poverty than all the aid programs that we’ve undertaken in the last century,” Romer observes drily.

As politically freighted as Romer’s ideas are, they also carry a continuing attraction to the people in charge of many poor countries, particularly those with rapidly growing populations. By some estimates, 3 billion people will move to cities in the next few decades, abandoning miserable and environmentally destructive work as subsistence farmers in the hope of better lives in manufacturing and services. In the absence of a Romer-type solution, these migrants will move into urban slums with no running water, high crime rates, few steady jobs, and sewage in the streets; charter cities seem a better option. And Romer’s idea has the great merit of paying for itself. Land in successful cities appreciates in value, creating wealth that can be unlocked to finance new buildings, businesses, and infrastructure.

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Bursting India’s myths about skin color

A few months back IndusLatin spotlighted the expansive use of skin whitening creams in India and Latin America. Recently the issue has been back in the news in India. Vogue magazine’s India edition dedicated its May cover story to the issue, and declared that it is time “to say we love, and always have loved, the gorgeous color of Indian skin”. It may prove difficult, however, to change societal perceptions of beauty. From The Christian Science Monitor:

Skin color matters in India, a fact made clear by the adjectives used in personal ads seeking spouses. Suitors use keywords such as “dusky,” a euphemism denoting dark skin, or “wheatish,” meaning one is light-skinned, to indicate their complexions… Being darker-complected has traditionally been considered an impediment to finding a good partner…

Sales in skin-lightening creams are up by 17 percent from the previous year, reported marketing firm Nielsen Company late in 2009. One Indian advertising executive, who worked on a skin-whitening campaign and wished to remain anonymous, explained the growth by saying that “being fair is seen as a passport to getting the ideal partner.” These attitudes are also reflected in India’s thriving film industry.

“In Bollywood, there is a premium on being fair. Dusky actresses … aren’t considered glamorous,” says filmmaker Jag Mundhra.

Mr. Mundhra, is more hopeful about the future. “The economic changes have meant that India no longer sees itself as a third-world country. This newfound pride will help us accept our own skin color.”

Avoiding a Financial Collapse, Indian-Style

One of the most outrageous example of lax U.S. lending practices was someone making $14,000 a year approved for a $720,000 mortgage with no down payment!
NYTimes.com

“In India, we never had anything close to the subprime loan,” said Chandra Kochhar, the chief financial officer of India’s largest private bank, Icici. (A few days after I spoke to her, Ms. Kochhar was named the bank’s new chief executive, in a move that had long been anticipated.) “All lending to individuals is based on their income. That is a big difference between your banking system and ours.” She continued: “Indian banks are not levered like American banks. Capital ratios are 12 and 13 percent, instead of 7 or 8 percent. All those exotic structures like C.D.O. and securitizations are a very tiny part of our banking system. So a lot of the temptations didn’t exist.”

Part of the reason is cultural. Indians are simply not as
comfortable with credit as Americans.
“A lot of Indians, when you push
them, will say that if you spend more than you earn you will get in
trouble,” an Indian consultant told me. “Americans spent more than they
earned.”

Mr. Parekh said, “Savings are important. Joint families
exist. When one son moves out, the family helps them. So you don’t
borrow so much from the bank.” Even mortgage loans tend to have down
payments in India that are a third of the purchase price, a far cry
from the United States, where 20 percent is the new norm.

But there was also another factor, perhaps the most important of all.
India had a bank regulator who was the anti-Greenspan. His name was Dr. Y.V. Reddy, and he was the governor of the Reserve Bank of India. Unlike Alan Greenspan,
who didn’t believe it was his job to even point out bubbles, much less
try to deflate them, Mr. Reddy saw his job as making sure Indian banks
did not get too caught up in the bubble mentality.

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A World Led By India And China

Forbes.com

As many have observed, the global order that is emerging has a distinct Asian tilt because of the rise of China and India as geopolitical forces. The two countries’ growing power may stimulate an “Eastphalian” order that challenges the Western-led approaches that dominated the Age of Imperialism, the Cold War and the post-Cold War period.

The term “Eastphalian” plays off the description of the international system as “Westphalian,” a moniker traced back to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 that established the modern state system. Through Western imperialism, populations in the Americas, Africa and Asia were incorporated into the Westphalian system, a brutal process that labeled non-European societies as “uncivilized” as long as they had societies that did not resemble what prevailed in Europe and North America.

The idea of “Eastphalia” communicates that conditions have emerged in which Asian countries have a say in world affairs not dictated by, or subordinated to, Western ideas and interests.

In the post-Cold War period, from Asia has come emphasis on the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention in the domestic affairs of states. These principles oppose broad notions of the right to use force in self-defense, favor pluralism in political and economic regimes and reject the homogenizing zeal of democracy promotion; prioritizing civil and political rights.

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Cultural similarities: India and Latin America – Indirect communication

One other similarity in cultural style across India and LatAm is indirect communication – not being totally straight with people. People tell you what they think you expect to hear. This can translate into a difficulty saying no or delivering bad news. Because relationships are important, people sometimes go all out to avoid hurting feelings.

Face-saving is important. You cannot simply say whatever you think especially when there is significant disagreement. Maintaining harmony is essential. The best way to resolve conflicts is by stepping away and getting some breathing room and possibly relying on trusted intermediaries or third parties.

You have to observe body language and cannot rely on words only. As a result, while dealing with people in these cultures, over-reliance on emails could be a problem. If face to face meetings are not possible, a web video conference and then a phone call are the next best options.

The word “Yes” typically means “I hear you”, “I understand what you’re saying” and not necessarily “I agree with you”, “I will do exactly as you say”. A message can be ignored if the status of the messenger is not appropriate.

From my experience, people in LatAm tend to be more indirect than U.S. Americans/Germans but less indirect than Indians. Within LatAm, people from southern Brazil and Argentina (with Northern
European influences) are more direct than people from Mexico. Of course, there are variances to be expected across demographic (youth, seniors) and class (lower-income and upper-income) groups.

Pensamientos para el Día

Primero te ignoran, después se ríen de ti, luego te atacan, entonces ganas.

La diferencia entre lo que podemos hacer y lo que hacemos supondria un cambio en el mundo.

- Gandhi

The Indian Diaspora


Esquire

From Silicon Valley to Citigroup, the new face of success is increasingly of a rich caramel-brown color. Vikram Pandit has led the charge to rescue banking behemoth Citi, and Bobby Jindal, the whiz-kid Indian-American governor of Louisiana, could find himself with a new job in a McCain administration . In Washington lobbying circles, Indians are sometimes referred to–not least boastfully by themselves–as the “new Jews.” Today the three million Indian Americans have a higher median income than Jews. What Jews and Indians have in common is that their diasporas are force multipliers, inflating their national image and strategic footprint worldwide. Knowledge, money, networks, and trust–flung ever faster by globalization–have meant that even India, the country with the largest number of destitute people in the world, is considered a global economic powerhouse, even if it isn’t one yet.

Almost every ethnic or national diaspora in the world has some presence in America, but few achieve the scale of social, economic, political, and cultural influence that Jews and Indians have achieved.

Indians are assimilators, maintaining traditional values but adapting to any national context.
The British Empire planted Indian migrants around the planet, particularly in the West Indies and Africa–now there are twenty-five million Indians in the diaspora spread across more than one hundred countries. But wherever they are, Indians blend into the mainstream: You won’t find many “Indiatowns” in America.

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Cultural similarities: India and Latin America – High power distance

In a previous post, I’d outlined a list of culturally similar values that exist across India and Latin America. One of these is high power distance. Power distance is how cultures deal with status differences among people and the access to power that comes with those differences. In other words, how cultures or societies view inequality?

High power distance means many levels in the org chart

High power distance means many levels in the org chart

High power distance cultures tend to view inequality as normal or natural. Just as some people are more beautiful or more intelligent than others, some people have more power – and the influence that comes with it. Those with power will do everything possible to show or heighten it, and not share it . At the same time there’s an expectation for a corresponding benevolence to be shown to the underlings. What are some behaviors that manifest this cultural value?

At the workplace – 1) ‘The boss is always right’; it is not okay to openly disagree with the boss; doing favors to please the boss is good 2) Subordinates are not expected to take initiative but wait for instructions from superiors; bosses are expected to check up frequently on the work of subordinates 3) Bosses make decisions and that decision is final- if there is a problem ‘proper channels’ have to be utilized to have the decisions overturned 4) Differences between bosses and subordinates are clear – they will sit and eat separately in the company cafeteria; not socialize together; use different vehicles (in keeping with their differing places in the organizational hierarchy – e.g. BMW 5 series vs. Hyundai Accent, a company vice-president is not expected to show up to work on a bicycle, however environmental his leanings.

Outside the workplace – ‘status-consciousness’, behaviors include wearing designer clothes (Armani/Dior), using branded consumer goods (paying 2 to 3 times U.S. American or European prices to have an iPhone), sending children to the right private school/university, belonging to the right club etc.

India, shy of donor tag, wins US praise

The Economic Times

India and China were not meant to have been active participants in the 3rd High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, which was called by the World Bank and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the group representing the world’s richest donor nations.

But the two Asian nations were forced to step out of the sidelines in order to fend off what they said was an effort by traditional donor nations to include them in their fold of aid priorities.

“This is their show, not ours. We are not donors in the traditional sense of the term – former colonial powers or very wealthy countries dispensing aid to the developing world,” said a foreign ministry official on the Indian team.

“Neither do we particularly like the term ‘aid.’ What we are engaged in with our developing country partners is development cooperation. After all, we ourselves are still recipients of aid,” he added.

The Sept. 2-4 forum was attended by 1,200 delegates from 120 countries, including ministers, government and aid agency officials, as well as nongovernment activists and economists.

The meet brought together ministers from the world’s poorest countries and key officials from rich donor nations and agencies who Thursday agreed to a set of rules and principles aimed at making the multi-billion dollar aid industry more efficient.

The event came in the backdrop of a global financial downturn, and mounting claims that corruption is eating into the $120 bn given in aid every year – at the expense of the world’s 1.4 bn poorest people.

Equally, developing countries charge donors with using aid as an instrument to not only force political change – in Myanmar and Zimbabwe for instance – but also to further their businesses by tying aid to the purchase of goods and services by recipients.

India
,…made it clear that its tradition of extending ‘development assistance’ to Africa falls within the ambit of what it calls South-South cooperation.

The Indian official described the one bn dollars that India extends as aid every year as “miniscule” compared to Western aid but added: “We will continue to help countries in Africa.”

In common with African countries, India is opposed to donors attaching conditions to their aid and considers money that goes into increasing knowledge and capacity as the best kind of aid.

However, both Chinese and Indian officials say they have come under increasing pressure from some rich nations to be part of efforts to ‘harmonise’ aid – technical jargon that describes attempts by donor nations to erase the contradictions that often mark their individual aid policies.

“We say harmonisation is their problem. Let donor countries harmonise among themselves first,” the Indian official said.

A Chinese diplomat said: “We have staved off pressure for the moment. China, India and Brazil need to act together.”
But the Chinese role in African development differs vastly from India’s – Beijing has faced much criticism for its no-questions-asked aid to Africa in exchange for access to the continent’s abundant natural resources.

It is seen as a cynical role that has propped up dictators and, in come cases, alienated locals. In contrast, the United States views the Indian role as benign and pro-democracy.

“It is very important for India to be involved in development cooperation,” said Henrietta H. Fore, who, as Director
of Foreign Assistance in the State Department and USAID Administrator, is one of the most senior aid officials in the Bush Administration.

In an interview with media at the ‘aid summit’, Fore praised the way India has “shored up fragile countries and post-conflict societies” – most recently Nepal and Afghanistan.

In this context, she mentioned four new democracies of Europe – Poland, Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia – saying there was a need to build up democratic institutions in these countries.

“They are very excited,” Fore said, noting India’s contributions in building up the knowledge sector in South Asian countries.

Los jueces y la justicia

Hana Fischer – Libertad Digital

La función de los jueces consiste en aplicar el Derecho a casos concretos, pero a menudo se habla del Poder Judicial como “la justicia”. Esa confusión en las palabras conduce a extravío en las ideas. Uno de los mayores peligros estriba en que los jueces confundan su labor y lleguen a convencerse de que deben imponer su particular visión de “justicia”, cual modernos Robin Hoods.

Este desvarío funcional pudo observarse recientemente en Uruguay. En una sentencia que causó conmoción, un Tribunal de Apelaciones dictaminó que “el derecho fundamental a la salud”, previsto en la Constitución, obliga a las instituciones relacionadas con la salud a cumplir las “indicaciones médicas” que sean prescritas a los pacientes, sin considerar limitaciones económicas o patrimoniales.

En este caso, una persona con un seguro médico ofrecido por un hospital privado lo demandó para obtener un medicamento extraordinariamente caro. El fallo argumenta que “existe una indicación médica que debe ser cumplida, pues, en caso contrario, se vulnera gravemente un derecho humano protegido por la Constitución de la República”. Y concluye que el derecho a la protección del goce de la vida y la salud, “son bienes de rango superior” que “no pueden ceder” frente a “consideraciones patrimoniales”.

Esta argumentación permite constatar cómo intenciones nobles pueden conducir a la tiranía porque lo que caracteriza al despotismo es la arbitrariedad. Se considera que una orden es abusiva cuando se obliga a alguien, que no hizo ningún daño, a realizar algo en beneficio de terceros. La violencia de la medida se ve agravada por su irracionalidad, al exigirse que se realice determinada acción aunque esta conduzca a la ruina al ejecutor.

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